Suchergebnisse

Traditionally, Sweden has been portrayed as an active bridge-builder in international politics in the 1960s and 1970s. The country advocated a "third way" toward democratic socialism and greater "justice" in international affairs, but these foreign policy prescriptions were never applied to European affairs. This article examines Sweden's relations with Europe by contrasting European integration with the Cold War. Negotiations on Swedish membership in the European Communities and Swedish policy at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe were influenced by a general Berührungsangst toward Europe, which persisted during the years of détente. Because Swedish decision-makers believed that heavy involvement in European affairs would constrict Sweden's freedom of action, Swedish leaders' moral proclamations were applied exclusively to distant Third World countries rather than the egregious abuses of human rights in the Soviet bloc.

Traditionally, Sweden has been portrayed as an active bridge-builder in international politics in the 1960s and 1970s. The country advocated a "third way" toward democratic socialism and greater "justice" in international affairs, but these foreign policy prescriptions were never applied to European affairs. This article examines Sweden's relations with Europe by contrasting European integration with the Cold War. Negotiations on Swedish membership in the European Communities and Swedish policy at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe were influenced by a general Beruhrungsangst toward Europe, which persisted during the years of detente. Because Swedish decision-makers believed that heavy involvement in European affairs would constrict Sweden's freedom of action, Swedish leaders' moral proclamations were applied exclusively to distant Third World countries rather than the egregious abuses of human rights in the Soviet bloc. Adapted from the source document.

Les pays scandinaves, le Danemark, la Norvège et la Suède partagent une histoire commune. Ils sont liés entre eux par la géographie et partagent un patrimoine culturel et linguistique commun. Avant de devenir un État indépendant en 1905, la Norvège a ainsi été unie à ses deux pays voisins pendant plus de cinq siècles – d'abord au Danemark et au XIXe siècle à la Suède. Ayant choisi la neutralité avant la guerre, les décideurs de Copenhague, d'Oslo et de Stockholm voyaient pourtant l'avenir différemment. Après l'échec des négociations sur une union de défense scandinave à la fin des années 1940, les pays prirent donc des chemins différents : Le Danemark et la Norvège – qui tous deux avaient été envahis par les nazis – rejoignirent l'OTAN tandis que la Suède revenait à la politique de neutralité. Cet article examine comment les pays nordiques affrontèrent cette division et réussirent souvent à relever ensemble les défis posés par la division Est-Ouest, la décolonisation ou l'émergence d'une gouvernance mondiale.

Over the past two decades, research on Cold War neutrality has advanced rapidly. With the declassification of important archival collections, the image of the four European "classic" neutrals—Austria, Finland, Sweden, and Switzerland—has changed considerably. New facets have emerged in the understanding of how neutrality functioned as a part of the Cold War international system. In particular, the importance and connections of neutrality's domestic political and ideational dimensions in foreign policymaking has been stressed in the latest research on Cold War neutrality.

Based on extensive archival research, the contributions in this collection examine the nuances of neutrality leading up to and during the Cold War. The contributors demonstrate the importance of the Soviet Union to the neutral states of Europe during the Cold War and vice versa.

"The `refugee crisis' and the recent rise of anti-immigration parties across Europe has prompted widespread debates about migration, integration and security on the continent. But the perspectives and experiences of immigrants in northern and western Europe have equal political significance for contemporary European societies. While Turkish migration to Europe has been a vital area of research, little scholarly attention has been paid to Turkish migration to specifically Sweden, which has a mix of religious and ethnic groups from Turkey and where now well over 100,000 Swedes have Turkish origins. This book examines immigration from Turkey to Sweden from its beginnings in the mid-1960s, when the recruitment of workers was needed to satisfy the expanding industrial economy. It traces the impact of Sweden's economic downturn, and the effects of the 1971 Turkish military intervention and the 1980 military coup, after which asylum seekers - mostly Assyrian Christians and Kurds - sought refuge in Sweden. Contributors explore how the patterns of labour migration and interactions with Swedish society impacted the social and political attitudes of these different communities, their sense of belonging, and diasporic activism. The book also investigates issues of integration, return migration, transnational ties, external voting and citizenship rights. Through the detailed analysis of migration to Sweden and emigration from Turkey, this book sheds new light on the situation of migrants in Europe." (Publisher's description)